blight_race_and_reunion
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blight_race_and_reunion [2025/04/17 15:19] – [Chapter 6] added a comment rcarper | blight_race_and_reunion [2025/04/17 16:52] (current) – 199.111.138.106 | ||
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===== Prologue ===== | ===== Prologue ===== | ||
Three overall visions of the Civil War memory collided and combined over time: **one, the reconciliationist vision**, which took root in the process of dealing with the dead from so many battlefields, | Three overall visions of the Civil War memory collided and combined over time: **one, the reconciliationist vision**, which took root in the process of dealing with the dead from so many battlefields, | ||
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+ | The reconciliationist view of remembering the Civil War involves a line of thinking where people view the Civil War as a breaking apart and then reunification of the United States. This view paints the Civil War as a familial war, brother on brother violence, but with a happy ending that brought the Union back together. - Ewan H | ||
===== Chapter 1 ===== | ===== Chapter 1 ===== | ||
The Northern postwar ideological memory of the conflict as a transformation in the history of freedom, as an American second founding, was born in the rhetoric of 1863 fashioned by Frederick Douglass, Abraham Lincoln, and others whose burden it was to explain who the war's first purpose (preservation of the Union) had transfigured into the second (emancipation of the slaves). (Guy) | The Northern postwar ideological memory of the conflict as a transformation in the history of freedom, as an American second founding, was born in the rhetoric of 1863 fashioned by Frederick Douglass, Abraham Lincoln, and others whose burden it was to explain who the war's first purpose (preservation of the Union) had transfigured into the second (emancipation of the slaves). (Guy) | ||
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In the wake of the Civil War, the “lost cause” narrative emerges as a way to counter the traditional narrative of the southern cause during the Civil War. This mythologized the Confederacy as having a righteous cause and only losing because they lacked the strength to win the war. This myth played on the white supremacist urges of America and demonized the African Americans. (Tanner Gillikin) | In the wake of the Civil War, the “lost cause” narrative emerges as a way to counter the traditional narrative of the southern cause during the Civil War. This mythologized the Confederacy as having a righteous cause and only losing because they lacked the strength to win the war. This myth played on the white supremacist urges of America and demonized the African Americans. (Tanner Gillikin) | ||
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+ | Blight discusses how the south and post-war confederacy was so much more successful at honoring and romanticizing their leaders. Confederate generals were regarded with such honor despite their failures that even today their lasting effect can be seen in names of schools and roads. (Declan F) | ||
In this chapter, Blight discusses how some of the post war memory is handled by presidents, and how in the early 1900s, an emergence of Civil War commemoration is happening. His specific example is the Batle of Gettyburg, which I found particularly interesting as its one of the most famous battles of the war. (Caty) | In this chapter, Blight discusses how some of the post war memory is handled by presidents, and how in the early 1900s, an emergence of Civil War commemoration is happening. His specific example is the Batle of Gettyburg, which I found particularly interesting as its one of the most famous battles of the war. (Caty) | ||
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+ | Andrew Johnson’s background as a plantation owner and slave holder from Tennessee made his Reconstruction politics severely different from those of Lincoln. Johnson believed the states should handle their Reconstruction without interference from the Federal government. He was a staunch Unionist, and he believed the work for reunification started and ended in the states cleaning up and then joining back without many repercussions. - Ewan H | ||
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+ | The Radical Republicans controlling Congress believed more hands-on measures were required for Reconstructing the Union. They sent military troops down to the southern states and divided them into military districts for establishing control. Congress during this time also invited several black members into their ranks from the Southern states after establishing a huge voter base with the 15th amendment. - Ewan H | ||
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===== Chapter 2 ===== | ===== Chapter 2 ===== | ||
Blight explores how Horace Greeley’s Richmond speech, which encouraged white and black Virginia men to “forget” their experiences prior to the civil war and embrace their status as freemen. The reaction to this speech was mixed, but Greeley received support from powerful figures, like Supreme court justice Richard Parsons, for providing a “moderate path to reunion.” (Ian Tiblin) | Blight explores how Horace Greeley’s Richmond speech, which encouraged white and black Virginia men to “forget” their experiences prior to the civil war and embrace their status as freemen. The reaction to this speech was mixed, but Greeley received support from powerful figures, like Supreme court justice Richard Parsons, for providing a “moderate path to reunion.” (Ian Tiblin) | ||
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+ | The process of Reconstruction required both remembering and forgetting. What portions of the war were subject to each, however, were dependent on whether the North or the South was developing that memory. Black veterans suffered the worst in being forgotten, most often ignored by their white counterparts. (Sarah M) | ||
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===== Chapter 3 ===== | ===== Chapter 3 ===== | ||
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===== Chapter 4 ===== | ===== Chapter 4 ===== | ||
+ | White supremacy became a cornerstone of Democratic strategy in 1868. They drew on stereotypes of Black people to promote fear within the white population. They also claimed that Republicans wanted to subject Southerners to rule by Black people, which as not true. (Sarah M) | ||
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+ | Mob violence and lynching, as well as KKK activity became prevalent in the 5 years after the Civil War. The Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacy groups viewed this extralegal violence as a way to control the participation of Black people in politics. However, the US Congress created a committee that conducted interviews and ultimately passed the Enforcement Acts of 1870-71, which protected the political rights of Black citizens. (Sarah M) | ||
===== Chapter 5 ===== | ===== Chapter 5 ===== | ||
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Black chaplains were often the only Black commissioned officers in the Union Army, and even then they didn't hold much power. They could be leaders to a certain extent, but they couldn' | Black chaplains were often the only Black commissioned officers in the Union Army, and even then they didn't hold much power. They could be leaders to a certain extent, but they couldn' | ||
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+ | In the 5 years following the Civil War, mob violence against African Americans was prevalent. White supremacist terrorist organizations used violence and fear to repress African Americans in their actions. (Tanner Gillikin) | ||
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===== Chapter 6 ===== | ===== Chapter 6 ===== | ||
Writing about the Civil War became a lucrative industry after 1880, and the place of the veteran, both as public figure and as writer, underwent a flourishing rehabilitation. The Grand Army of the Republic (GAR), which had lagged in membership during the 1870s due to economic depression, the political strife over Reconstruction, | Writing about the Civil War became a lucrative industry after 1880, and the place of the veteran, both as public figure and as writer, underwent a flourishing rehabilitation. The Grand Army of the Republic (GAR), which had lagged in membership during the 1870s due to economic depression, the political strife over Reconstruction, | ||
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The // | The // | ||
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+ | During reconstruction (1880s and 1890s), writing and printing historical texts about the Civil War became popular. This business was helpful to Civil War veterans as it gave them a way to profit from their experiences. As the federal government lagged in providing aid to the former soldiers, publishing companies stepped up in their place. (Tanner Gillikin) | ||
===== Chapter 7 ===== | ===== Chapter 7 ===== | ||
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Grant' | Grant' | ||
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+ | Blight makes the argument that written works and records had a powerful influence on resolidifying the unity of the Unites States post-civil war. This would lead to romanticization of certain aspects of the war and the pre-war era, as readers throughout the country longed for what once was rather than focusing on what could be. (Declan F.) | ||
Blight makes the claim that “literature was a powerful medium for reuniting the interests of Americans from both the North and the South.” What rose from this problem was the concept of “Sentimentalism” which adversely affected the cultural memory of the war and enabled the “Lost Cause” movement as the narratives that emerged allowed readers to reminisce on slavery and “Blue & Gray Fraternalism.” (Ian Tiblin) | Blight makes the claim that “literature was a powerful medium for reuniting the interests of Americans from both the North and the South.” What rose from this problem was the concept of “Sentimentalism” which adversely affected the cultural memory of the war and enabled the “Lost Cause” movement as the narratives that emerged allowed readers to reminisce on slavery and “Blue & Gray Fraternalism.” (Ian Tiblin) | ||
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+ | Grant' | ||
===== Chapter 8 ===== | ===== Chapter 8 ===== | ||
Former Confederate general Bradly T. Johnson, who had a controversial military record, was a popular Confederate memorial speaker. Along with Jubal Early, D. H. Hill, and others, he had led the effort in the 1960s and 1870s to preserve Confederate traditions in Virginia. Johnson had long been a major spokesman for an especially unreconstructed brand of Lost Cause ideology. Johnson summed up the legacy of the Civil War in a declaration to which many Americans had come to at least benignly accept, that "the great crime of the century was the emancipation of the Negros." | Former Confederate general Bradly T. Johnson, who had a controversial military record, was a popular Confederate memorial speaker. Along with Jubal Early, D. H. Hill, and others, he had led the effort in the 1960s and 1870s to preserve Confederate traditions in Virginia. Johnson had long been a major spokesman for an especially unreconstructed brand of Lost Cause ideology. Johnson summed up the legacy of the Civil War in a declaration to which many Americans had come to at least benignly accept, that "the great crime of the century was the emancipation of the Negros." | ||
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From his prison release in 1867 to his death in 1889, Jefferson Davis set the tone for diehard Lost Cause advocates' | From his prison release in 1867 to his death in 1889, Jefferson Davis set the tone for diehard Lost Cause advocates' | ||
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+ | In the south, post-confederacy, | ||
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+ | The "Lost Cause" mentality in the south served as a means to reestablish southern " | ||
===== Chapter 9 ===== | ===== Chapter 9 ===== | ||
===== Chapter 10 ===== | ===== Chapter 10 ===== | ||
blight_race_and_reunion.1744903161.txt.gz · Last modified: 2025/04/17 15:19 by rcarper