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====== Gay New York ======

In this portion of the novel, Chauncey tackles the discourse involving the concealment of gay life in the early 19th Century. He delves into how NYC made gay male subculture more visible, and how this organization and portrayal of identity worked to reconstruct characteristics of class and gender norms. In addition, this discourse proves as a segway to the reconstruction of public spaces even through instances of violence or prejudice. Chauncey goes on to explain how these gay men worked to build networks and connections through public spaces. These spaces include: bars, bathouses, or parks; among other settings. This networking fostered communities with shared language and social cues which promoted participation in the community. These communities were not separated from the rest of society, but anonymously involved with public life. This is key to understanding how this community was both marginalized, but were also able to participate in society and urban culture, without intense segregation. (Reiley Gibson)

Chauncey discusses how the performance of gender paired with class division/social hierarchy worked to shape the experiences of gay men in the early 19th Century. These experiences were further shaped through relationships and identities, insead of through sexual acts. These gay men understood their identity via gender roles and the perception of those roles by society. Regarding class, Chauncey examines the open participation of queer culture across different social classes. He highlights how upper/middle class men expressed theri queerness via respectable and private means to prevent negative consequences at the hand of society. On the contrary, working class men expressed their queerness in society in a more open and expressive manner than upper/middle class men. Overall, Chauncey aims to introduce and define the intersection of gender, sexuality, class, and power. (Reiley Gibson)

===== Introduction =====
Chauncey begins by introducing the myths of isolation, invisibility and internalization among queer men before World War II. The myth of isolation claims that there was no collective gay subculture back then and gay men were forced to live solitary lives due to systemic homophobia. While anti-gay laws were plentiful back then, the large reaction to queer men was actually one of indifference, not outward aggression and hostility. There were plenty of collective gay spaces: bathhouses, cafeterias, saloons, and even a few dedicated gay neighborhoods. (Jazper Schmidt)

The myth of invisibility, though similar to the myth of isolation, suggests that physical and social gay spaces did exist, but they were all quite well-kept secrets and thus, isolated gay men couldn't find them. The reality is that gay culture was rather well integrated into everyday life before World War II due to the development of visual signals. (Jazper Schmidt)

Chauncey's discussion surrounding the myths of invisibility and isolation serve as the introduction into his analysis of the real and very much active social spaces for gay men within New York City and how their existence not only defies the long held myths regarding homosexuality in American society but also our social understandings of recent queer histories. ( J.D.J.)

The myth of internalization argues that gay men back then internalized the ideas that they were sick, perverted, and immoral. Because of this they accepted the anti-gay laws as they didn't want to be different from the dominant culture. Chauncey argues that in fact many gay men were happy to be different and instead of just trying to fit in and fly under the radar many would proudly present themselves as gay in public despite the risks. While some would openly fight against the anti-gay laws there was also a more subtle resistance in creating space for themselves. This more quiet resistance should not be understood as acceptance of their situation, in fact the effort to be themselves despite their situation was effective resistance and showed that the dominant culture couldn't just shame gay men into going away. (Katherine Hamilton)

Gay men having internalized self-hatred because they thought that being gay was morally wrong or that something was wrong with them due to everything people were saying around them but at the same time they felt the need to express themselves wether that was through the way that they dressed as much as they could to make a statement about their existence and not be afraid of being put in jail. (Tea Aliu)

Some gay men used their gay social circles as more than just people to have sex with; for many it served as practical support in meeting the demands of urban life. For example, gay men could use their social circles to find practical things such as employment and housing, on top of the more social aspects such as relationships, both romantic and friendly. They could become fairly dependent on one another due to this. (Ezra C.)

Something I found interesting, specifically a distinction I was glad the author pointed out, was that the "gay world" wasn't actually one social world and instead consisted of multiple distinct social networks based in things such as race, class, and sexual practices. However, the author still refers to a singular gay world, as all the members of the various gay social networks were still gay and united in their queerness. (Ezra C.)

In the introduction, George Chauncy counters the myth of the queer community's invisibility or nonexistence before the late twentieth century. This myth of invisibility supposes that before the Stonewall riot of 1996, queer and gay people lived in fear and repression of their sexuality due to anti-gay sentiment and lawmaking. While the Red Scare of the Cold War and the tragedy of the Aids crisis did a lot to repress queer communities in the post-WWII era, this does not speak to the lives of queer people in the early twenty-first century. In the pre-WWII era, anti-gay laws and thoughts on queer people were often more varied than what might be thought of in this myth. (Tanner Gilikin)

===== Chapter 1  - The Bowery as Haven and Spectacle =====

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An interesting aspect of homosexual interactions that I noticed while reading this chapter is the fact that these men played into effeminacy when they were being ostracized for being less masculine. Additionally, the openness of these homosexual encounters and that they were visible enough to be recognized as a group called "the fairies." (Henry Prior)

The chapter demonstrates a separation of the middle class from the working class and how the middle class saw the working class morally. To be more specific, socializing was more private for middle class people as much of it was at the home or at private clubs rather than in saloons where working class people congregated. Additionally, middle class men saw themselves as masters of self-control which contrasted the view of working class men which they saw as lacking this self-control and engaging in vices regularly. (Henry Prior)

G. Chauncey’s analysis historicizes and, to an extent, deconstructs the framework of “hetero-homosexual binarism.” According to the author, this duality represents the currently hegemonic sexual regime, which creates and distributes identities based upon the “sex of one’s sexual partners.” As such, this perspective on gender identity is highly contingent and dynamic. Chauncey argues that this conceptual approach to male identity became conventional between the 1930s and 1950s. Subsequently, the adoption of the hetero-homosexual binary replaced earlier frameworks that prioritized gender status as the primary means of determining sexuality. In this sense, the sexual act itself did not automatically entail self or social identification with queer subjectivity, so long as the actor did not assume qualities and roles associated with women. - Nikolai Kotkov

Discussing the system of gender relations in the early twentieth century, Chauncey analyzes the “bachelor subculture” in order to examine the sexual culture of the working classes in New York. According to him, the term refers to a particular socio-economic arrangement that determined a set of sexual practices available to the working class from the mid-nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century. Generally, this subculture included sailors and merchant seamen, transient workers, and common laborers. Most of them were young, unmarried, and often immigrant men who were unable to forge lasting family relationships as a result of various economic and social factors. As a result, they developed a form of masculinity that relied on continual performance, accomplishment, and competition. This understanding of masculinity allowed for a certain degree of tolerance toward “fairies” within the working class, as the "fairies" assumed feminine gender roles that enabled working-class men to emphasize and perform their masculinity. - Nikolai Kotkov

The Bowery of New York City came to be known as a "red-light district" in the late 19th century, particularly amongst the middle class. The Bowery was a place of openly displayed "vice," such as how female prostitutes and male "fairies" were known to openly congregate in its streets. It was an area in which sexual interactions could be openly exchanged in public. However, the Bowery's close proximity to working class neighborhoods earned it a reputation among the increasingly privatized middle class as a symbol of the supposed degeneracy of the working class. The Bowery is an example of "spatial segregation" of "immoral" vices and institutions that not only reinforced the physical distance and separation of the middle class from such a place, but it was also used to confirm the middle class' belief that the working class was inherently more licentious. (Noah Rutkowski)

In chapter one, Chauncey lays out the nature of the sexual interractions between men in the late 19th century. These interractions are primriy between working class men. While Broadway was the place for the upper class to socialize, the Bowery held the same purpose for the working class. The nature of the social interractions of the working class men were not what the people of the time would consider " morally pure". Where in higher society, living quarters were more seperate and men and women fit more into their societal roles , the working class was often the opposite. this led to an enviornment where the identity of a "fairy" was able to both come about, and be interracted with by men who did not fit into this category. -Caroline Cochran

A main takeaway from this chapter os that being unable to cotnrol sexual urges is seen as a working/lower class topic while the assumption is that wealthier men are not partaking in these activities because they have the morals to be sexually constrained (and only having relations with females) even though the people who were hanging around the Bowery were completely open about the purposes of their frequency there. There seems to be a huge difference in how sex and sexual relations were understood, and who sex, and sex with men,  is appropriate for. (Tea Aliu)

Another thing to point out is that Chauncey includes many examples of the fairies being more effeminate. And that men would comment on the fact that fairies would speak to their clients like "disorderly girls talk to men" so the fairies in a sense are taking on the personas of female prostitutes and men witnessing these things are using vocabulary they'd typically use when describing females that are in sex work. But with added statements like these men being perverts and their anxiety around the apparently sexually deviant. (Tea Aliu)

In chapter one, the division of how the men from different classes interacted with sexual interactions between two men or a man and a "fairy" since there was a larger demand to keep the separation of public and private life for middle to upper-class men compared to working class men. This also allowed for working class men who were taking part of the gay scene in New York with the bars and Bowery to have a more public aspect to their sex lives since there was a secretive sense of their interactions with fairies or other men. (Sage Milton)

For middle-class men, the creation of these spaces that allowed for them to "slum" with other men and have these sexual interactions it also allowed for them to remove the pressures for class and status reproduction. Their public and daily life status was not pushed upon them in these specific spaces since they were there to create or take part in their sexual fantasies that they could not recreate with their wives or women in general. (Sage Milton)

Fairies were queer men who dressed and (often) presented themselves as female, and represented the ideas of gender and sexuality of the early to mid-1900s. The ideas of the time concluded that male sexuality and identity were defined by their desire to be the penetrative party, and female sexuality worked oppositely. Fairies then, by desiring to have sex with men, acted as an inversion of conventional sexuality. This made society decide that they were not gay, but in fact were more like women (or even perhaps a third gender). This gender identity placed fairies in a relatively low place in straight society, due to their relationship with prostitution and their relinquishing of male privilege. (Tanner Gillikin)

==================Chapter 2================================================================================

Fairies, rather than being understood as men who were attracted to men, were understood to be somewhat of a "third sex". The prominence of fairies in the public conception of the gay world meant that queer desire was associated with the femininity of queer men. In this understanding, it wasn't a sexual preference that made a fairy desire men, but instead that desire was a natural consequence of their feminine character. Queerness was a gender identity, not a sexuality. This association with femininity wasn't necessarily inaccurate. Many fairies understood their own desires as resulting from their feminine self, and the social expression of this femininity was a key part of fairies' participation in the gay world. They used women's names, adopted more feminine dress, and performed femininity not only to participate in a gay world that was centered around "the fairy", but also to identify other gay men. Femininity might have been understood as the root of a fairy's desire for men, but it was also a tool that he used to identify other gay men, socialize with them, and create relationships. (Cameron Spivy)

At the end of this chapter, Chauncey argues that the "effeminacy" of the fairy subculture was specifically an attempt to mirror low-class femininity. Make-up and sexual forwardness, the markers of fairies, were also the markers of the prostitutes with which fairies shared social spaces in New York's lower-class neighborhoods. In this way, fairies consciously adopted a lower-class identifying markers, even if they lived a majority of their life in middle-class spaces. Furthermore, the adoption of prostitute-coded affectations invited in sexual encounters with, but also abuse from, lower-class men. (Nick Thodal)

Unlike how today's gender and sexual binary tends to divide a certain gender (such as men) between homosexual and heterosexual, in the late 19th and early 20th century the divide was actually between traditionally masculine men and fairies. Fairies were more so a third gender category than what we would today see as a sexuality, since the defining feature of fairies was their effeminate appearances and behaviors rather than their attraction to other men. While this homosexual desire was a factor in the identification of fairies, their gender presentation took far more precedence. Interestingly, Chauncey mentions how doctors such as William Lee Howard believed that the homosexual desire of these fairies was actually normal, since they actually were women rather than men. At the time, desire for men was a key feature of women, so these fairies were seen as inverts who were more like women than the men that they appeared to be. (Noah Rutkowski)

Chapter two brings up the idea and ballance between gender and sexual identity. For many in this time, therre was an interchangability between having sex with women and having sex with fairies. The simple act of a man having sex with other men did not inherently make him a homosexual, mainly because the idea of a homosexual hadn't existed yet. There was a distinguishing between gender and sexuality as parts of an identity. For men who had sex with fairies, sex was something that men did. This means that, for them, it didn't matter who it was with, the act of doing the penetration in a sex act was enough to maintain the social identity of a man. Fairies on the other hand were not seen as men, but they were also not seen as women either. By adopting the identity of a fairy, they surrendered all male privelege, allowing themselved to be treated as some inbetween and intermediary gender. -Caroline Cochran

During thie time, there was also a very different language that was used to describe the experience and the community. What we may think of as a common phrase in today's world for the gay comunity would be the idea of "the closet". This phrase, however, was only created after Stonewall. Instead, what was used was the term "the gay world". these men pictured themselves as wearing two masks or "putting their hair up". They would inhabit two very different worlds at the same time. The gay world was framed as a pleasure and a form or secret socialization. The term "coming out" was used in a debutante way. Instead of coming out of the closet to prove or explain themselves to straight people, these men would come out into the gay world. The opinion or confirmation from straight people was irrelevant to them. -Caroline Cochran

===== Chapter 3  - Trade, Wolves, and the Boundaries of Normal Manhood =====

Though absent in our modern conceptions of queer identity and relationships, sex between men in the 20s and 30s was often characterized by the participation of "normal" men. One characterization of these men, "Trade", referred to a normal man who would have sex with fairies, often in the form of hiring fairies as prostitutes. It was their masculine gender presentation, and the masculine role that they took in sex that defined their "normal manhood". Rather than the sex itself indicating a deficiency in heterosexuality, gender was understood as the mechanism for queer desire. They were still considered normal men if they were attracted to femininity and acted as men during sex. (Cameron Spivy)

The relationships between fairies and trade were sometimes characterized as the trade looking for a substitute for women that were situationally unavailable. However, trade would also often seek out fairies specifically, and though this preference was stigmatized, it wasn't seen as a threat to normal manhood. Cultural ideas about sex and prostitution often made fairies more desirable for men that were solely in search of sexual gratification, a mindset that was increasingly common in what Chauncey calls a "phallocentric" sexual culture. Fairies were known to give oral sex, something that most female prostitutes would not provide, and anecdotally (and inaccurately), fairies were understood to not transmit STIs in the way that women could. Additionally, fairies were often willing to perform femininity in a way that validated the masculinity of the men who had sex with them. Having sex with fairies didn't threaten the masculinity of "normal men", it confirmed it. (Cameron Spivy)

The two largest immigrant groups to NYC during the time period of Chuancey’s study - Southern Italians and Eastern European Jews - interacted with the “gay world” in distinctly different ways. Southern Italian culture was apparently more permissive of male-male sexual relationships (seeing it as a lesser sin than premarital sex between men and women), and most Italian immigrants to the U.S. came alone, and only for a temporary period. This prompted the growth of a monogendered cultural space, within which male-male sexual activitity was more common and more tolerated than the norm. Contrast this with the experience of Jewish immigrants, who came to America in family groups and whose socia lives were generally more gender inclusive. Due in part to this, male-male sexual activity between Jewish-American men is much harder to locate in the historical record. (Nick Thodal)

Oral sex occupied a complicated position in the contemporary discourse. It was a non-reproductive sex act that was entirely centered on male pleasure, and therefore, it was viewed by many women - even by many prostitutes - as demeaning to them. However, receiving oral sex remained an attractive prospect to many men, some of whom sought out the sexual company of fairies, who were willing to perform such acts. This is especially true in the context of STIs: contemporary understandings of sexually-transmitted infections were that they could only be spread from women to man and vice versa, and that they could not be spread between the sexes. Therefore, receiving oral sex from a fairy was not only gratifying, but safer than vaginal intercourse with a prostitute. (Nick Thodal)

At the turn of the century, "trade" referred specifically to the "normal" men who were the customers of fairy prostitutes, though the term gained wider meaning to include all "normal" men who responded to homosexual advances. Interestingly, Chauncey notes that, in the middle of the century, "trade" was also used to refer to straight male prostitutes who sold sex to fairies, thus reversing the original meaning of the word. According to Alfred Kinsey's research as presented in the 1948 //Sexual behavior in the Human Male//, 37% of their interviewees from the 30s and 40s admitted to having had at least one sexual encounter to orgasm with another man, indicating that the "trade" position was far more common than we have been led to believe by the way that queer history is typically presented. (Noah Rutkowski)

===== Chapter 4  - The Forging of Queer Identities and the Emergence of Heterosexuality in Middle-Class Culture =====

In Chapter 4, G. Chauncey traces the emergence of hetero-homosexual binarism partially through medical discourse. He argues that this approach to the system of gender relations was not methodologically objective or unbiased, as many doctors sought to advance their own agendas, ranging from the reaffirmation of masculinity to the pursuit of cultural authority. In the first decades of the twentieth century, these doctors began to distinguish between three categories: inverts (both women and men), homosexual men, and heterosexual men. Using this framework, many physicians attempted to emphasize the relationship between inverts/fairies and homosexual men based on their sexual practices rather than gender. Overall, G. Chauncey argues that medical discourse did not create these categories, but helped to demonstrate the ideological shift in the early twentieth century. - Nikolai Kotkov

Chauncey argues that there was a shift from it being ok to have sexual desire for men as long as your gender identity was masculine (being queer) and not being respected if you had sexual desire for men if you also presented feminine (fairies) to homosexuality and heterosexuality. In order to be normal and masculine you had to only have sexual desire for women and if you sexually desired men regardless of your gender expression you were homosexual which was not respectable. This is because in order to protect their status as respectable men middle class men felt the need to differentiate themselves from working class men. So therefore working class men demonstrated their masculinity in their sexual encounters as sticking to their masculine gender roles regardless of who they sexually desired and middle class men proved their masculinity through sole sexual interest in women. (Katherine Hamilton)

Building on the different ways to express gender as gay men, Chauncey explains that often when young gay men first came out into the gay world they would identify as fairies which provided them a framework in how to express their identities as men who sexually desired other men. But after a couple years after making connections and experiencing more of living in the gay world they would shift into being queer where they presented their gender as masculine but still sexually desired other men. (Katherine Hamilton)

Those gay men who seemed to be "fairies" were sometimes looked down upon by the other gay men, who saw their effeminacy as indication of biological difference from the more "normal" gay men. Despite this, those other gay men sometimes saw it to be convenient to adopt some of those effeminate characteristics when they were in places safe to do such things, such as using feminine names and pronouns and acting in a "camp" manner. (Ezra C.)

Chauncey explains how some younger gay men would be scared to be perceived as a "fairy" when they are first getting into the gay scenes in New York, and having non-gay people being critical and discriminatory towards them if they seem like a "fairy". This practice could also be seen with how negative other "normal" gay men would interact with the idea of being a fairy instead of just sleeping or using fairies for sexual intercourse/ favors. (Sage Milton)

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