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In this reading, there is a consistent theme of black men feeling torn between to choice of fighting for the nation that did not protect them with the possibility of gaining recognition and perhaps a better standing in society as a result, or refusing to join as a show of protest. Points were brought up by black newspapers like the “Freeman” by showing the hypocrisy of white Americans supporting “Cuba Libre” while black people were losing their voting rights. However, other black publications like the “Colored American” took a different approach by trying to show that black men were willing to fight in the same that white men were, hoping it would curie favor. (Henry Prior)
Another theme in this reading is how black news publications chose to back and smear candidates depending on how willing they were to speak out and defend the venerable black population in the south. When William McKinley did not address voter intimidation aimed at black voters and defend them even as a loyal voting base, the “Colored American.” a black publication, shamed the president for not speaking out or even offering words of sorrow. This was contrast from how earlier publicans like this one had directed full praise towards the president as the war against Spain began. (Henry Prior)
In this article, Piero Gleijeses examines the complicated socio-economic context of the African American response to the Spanish–American War of 1898 and the subsequent American conquest of the Philippines. On the one hand, some African American newspapers expressed concern about participation in the war given the racial violence of the Jim Crow South, including lynching, mob violence, and disenfranchisement laws. On the other hand, members of the African American community realized that acceptance at home could possibly be acquired through patriotism and the performance of civic duties, such as involvement in the war. Unfortunately, this dilemma was exacerbated by the incessant violence against the African American community and the almost total indifference of the broader white public discourse, ranging from newspapers to the administration of William McKinley. However, P. Gleijeses demonstrates that these conditions did not turn African American communities into merely passive agents, as they actively sought to alter their discursive position through newspapers, participation in or evasion of the war, and various political acts. - Nikolai Kotkov
On page 332, Gleijeses describes the disenfranchisement of African Americans in North Carolina (the last Southern state to disenfranchise African Americans) as an “emasculation”. This is well in line with our discussions of American masculinity throughout the course, which inherently connects being a man to one's ability to participate in politics. White masculinity was historically contrasted with Black masculinity due to the freedom of Whites and the subjugation of Black men by their enslavers. However, the passing of the Fifteenth Amendment briefly allowed Black men to participate politically and therefore attain that masculine trait. The eventual disenfranchisement of Black men can therefore be easily thought of as an “emasculation”, as masculinity through political power was achieved and then forcibly stripped away. (Nick Thodal)