User Tools

Site Tools


horton_freedom_s_yoke

Freedom's Yoke: Gender Conventions among Antebellum Free Blacks

Social Expectations

Horton mainly argued that gender roles, among formerly enslaved people in the late 1880s to early 1900's, were influenced by multiple factors such as social expectations combined with racism. For instance, Horton discussed that many Black men in the north faced harsh economic discrimination because they were only able to work low-paying jobs, outside of the many opportunities in the industrial work industry. Within the institute of slavery, men were expected to be strong providers who used their hands to provide for their families physically. However, once large groups of Black men began migrating north, racism remained rampant during the antebellum period, which severely restricted housing and education, making working a further obstacle for freemen. Nevertheless, Black women ultimately began working in factories and shipyards, while also serving as caregivers at home. Therefore, there became a gender expectational shift within the Black community in the North, because women became the primary providers while also being expected to care for children and be wives. (Allisya Smith)

The reading demonstrates how black people were influenced by black led news publications showing how men and women were expected to act with women often due to economic strain being pressured to take on most domestic responsibility while also working a job to make enough income. Men on other hand were expected to lead by example and teach their children a trade so that the next generation advance the progress of the race. Adding on the idea of advancing the black race, both men and women were expected to be representatives for their race by acting in an ideal manner so their communities would gain respect. (Henry Prior)

The book claims similar to the marriage dynamics of white families during the antebellum era, black men tended to have more financial and professional freedom than their wives. The typical model was for the mother to tend the house and the kids while at the same time work domestic jobs like house cleaning to make ends meet. However, some women like Elleanor Eldridge who didn't marry were able to get more prestigious jobs like in Eldridge's case where she became a successful business owner who could buy a sizable property. (Henry Prior)

Black's analysis from Tuesday explained that one way West African men could practice their manhood was by teaching their sons to be proper men as well. Horton's analysis explains that while free Black men did play a role in teaching their sons manhood, parenting was largely a woman's responsibility. The mother was expected to ensure their children's well-being and pass on the proper ways of being a woman to their daughters and through motherhood women practiced womanhood. This is interesting because White families generally operated with the same notions of parenting. So all groups, West African families, Free Black families in America, White families in America, and White families in Europe all had similar ideas of what parenting should entail and by being a father or mother one could practice their womanhood or manhood respectively. However, Black families in America had the additional pressure of having to be perfectly polite, unproblematic, sociable, etc in public because they were pressured to actively disprove racial stereotypes about them. (Katherine Hamilton)

Gender and the Struggle for Racial Equality

The struggle for racial equality also shaped gender expectations in free Black communities. Adherence to gender roles and the avoidance of gendered and racialized stereotypes became one way to legitimize Black communities in the eyes of white society. Despite the acknowledgements that racial oppression limited the ability of Black men to achieve gendered ideals, Black women were often held to standards that were impossible to meet. To abide by gender roles, she would ideally stay in the home, perform domestic duties, and raise children, not only helping her family but demonstrating the femininity of Black women. However, there was also the acknowledgement that the economic advancement of Black families required women to work. However, this didn't lessen these expectations of domestic achievement, which instead were expected to be performed alongside paid work. Often, this was also balanced alongside community work to advance racial equality, in which Black women were simultaneously praised for their involvement even as they were barred from positions of power. (Cameron Spivy)

The masculinity of African American men - partly due to traditions older than enslavement, partly due to conspicuous attempts to replicate the “gender conventions” of White America - was reliant on the submission of African American women to patriarchy. Even if the socioeconomic conditions in which Black Americans lived did not allow for Black men to live out the patriarchal ideal, Black women were expected to act with deference towards them, and allow them to feel “tough and protective”. (Nick Thodal)

There was significant discourse in the abolitionist community as to the role Black women were to play in their liberation. On one hand, many abolitionists - the famous Frederick Douglass among them - argued that women should be welcomed into the abolitionist movement, and furthermore that women's suffrage and abolition were all part of the same struggle towards human equality. However, the more prevailing view was that politics was a masculine realm, and a masculine realm it should remain. Abolitionist and free Black men did not have an inherent problem with women participating in abolitionist societies, or even with women speaking at abolitionist meetings, but were of the opinion that it was not a woman's place to argue abolition to the wider public, which may have been more willing to listen to abolitionist ideas if they came from men - the traditional public actors. Therefore, most abolitionist speakers and organizers were men, even though many women (White and Black) participated in the abolitionist movement. (Nick Thodal)

This reading identifies economic pressure and gendered workloads that present differently across both race and gender identities. Horton argues that ideally, women would be domesticated but due to the necessity for compensation, black families relied on multiple incomes to survive and function. This argument sheds light on the constraints of male labor where skilled black men like Frederick Douglas were denied trade work for white competitors. Black men were also forced to work mundane tasks for low compensation. On the other hand, black women were forced to show up as a “True Women” who works twelve hours a day as domestic servants and titles alike; all while maintaining their own household and taking care of her own kids. Horton uses this factoid to express how black women carried the burdens of black men that (white) society inflicted onto them.(Reiley Gibson)

This reading demonstrates that in the antebellum south, slave owners sought to emasculate enslaved black men in ways like punishing them in front of their women and children to demonstrate the manliness of the owner but also helplessness of the enslaved man's position, therefore, in the eyes of the owner making him less of a man. However despite these efforts, the reading claims that enslaved women weren't convinced by this and instead respected enslaved men knowing what was and was not possible their circumstances in a way resisting the power of the owner. (Henry Prior)

Horton shows that free Blacks struggles for racial equality were deeply shaped by gender conventions that tied respectability, citizenship, and political legitimacy to patriarchal norms of manhood and womanhood. Black men’s claims to equality were often framed through ideals of male authority, breadwinning, and protections, while Black women’s political labor was frequently marginalised or rendered invisible despite being essential to community survival and activism. The section reveals how gender became both a tool of resistance and a constraint, reproducing inequalities within Black communities even as they fought white supremacy. — (Caitlyn Edwards)

The fact that women's groups meetings often happened at someone's home so that the women there could do their work simultaneously is the perfect example of how even when these groups were abolitionist groups, their roles as women came first. They couldn't solely focus on abolition because their schedules (which included domestic work, paid jobs, childcare, etc. due to necessity) prevented them from doing so. While Black men were denied autonomy in their lives when it came to what jobs they wanted because of racism, Black women were denied autonomy when it came to jobs due to their predestined duties as women and the economic necessity of them completing domestic work, plus the limited options due to racism. (Katherine Hamilton)

Having paid work outside of the home for Black women was multilayered when it came to what it meant socially. In regards to sex, it meant they were not stuck purely at home doing domestic labour. In regards to race, it was an economic necessity, since Black men were stuck in lower paying jobs and were paid less than White men. This often made it impossible for their family to live off of one income thus Black women had to provide a second income in addition to the domestic work they provided. So, having a paid job outside of the home on one hand meant they were not adhering to the norms of women staying at home which may have provided them with a sense of resistance to the patriarchy. On the other hand, having a job outside of the home plus domestic duties was not their choice, it was decided for them by their circumstances which only served as a reminder to their racial inequality. (Katherine Hamilton)

horton_freedom_s_yoke.txt · Last modified: by khamilt3